PUBLISHER’S COLUMN

2000-01


The past ten years include many significant milestones, among which are the establishment of democratic institutions, open elections, a smooth split of Czechoslovakia, Radio Free Europe moving to Prague, NATO membership, and most of all, freedom. However, today’s Czech Republic is still a post-communist rather than a fully democratic country.
First, Klaus‘ economic transformation was a caricature of capitalism, since the government’s delay in privatizing key sectors meant that there was too little financial as well as expertise „capital“ introduced. The active emphasis on economic determinism led to aggressive neglect in developing a civic sector and supporting moral values and of enforcing the law. Thus, without legislative and judicial protection of public interests, freedom of speech and press had only dead-end streets to explore. The absence of cause and effect relationships in both business and the private sector created an „anything goes“ atmosphere, elevating alibism to a national trait. 

Second, it may be useful to reflect on just what did not happen 10 years ago: one either has a revolution, or one doesn’t. In the ČSSR, there was only a shuffling of the guard, with the main actors giving way to those in the wings, but the overall company remaining the same.
Third, the pace by which countries abandon communist thinking is de-termined by the strength of their adherence to it. In Poland, Solida-rity began to undermine communism as of 1980; in Hungary, capitalist marketing emerged 10 years before that. Therefore, in 1989 the Czechs were „stouter“ communists than the Poles and Hungarians, who had already „jumped the gun“. There is also the impact of Czech history: White mountain, a central location in turbulent Europe, Munich in ’38 and Prague in ’68 – all support the trait of adaptability without resistance. Thus, in understanding and experiencing democracy, the Czech citizen is closer to one east rather than west of him. 

Finally, Czech politicians have continued to focus on internal party politics and personal gain, refusing to give way to a pro-cess of give and take for the gain of their electorate. Klaus‘ attempts at Constitutional reform and the proposed of re-districting of electorates are examples of initiatives cooked up in party chambers, approved by a minority puppet government held hostage by an opposition agreement, and planned for Parliamentary vote without any voter interaction whatsoever. The re-centralization of power must continue at all costs – whether by opposition agreement or Klaus‘ „grand coalition“ scheme, whereby simply everyone gets to jump into one big bed. Should the citizen protest and challenge, he is told by Klaus and Zeman to simply shut up or offer a better solution. Such arrogant behavior is in no way different from that of communist aparatchiks when Charter 77 was unveiled 20 years ago. Luckily, people are noticing. The election of Václav Fišer as an independent Senator on the one hand, and the rising tide of the communists on the other, reflect the current „anti-establishment“ feeling. The forming of IMPULS 99 and the recent declaration „Thank you, now leave!“ with 170,000 signatures, are signals that real change is in the air. 

Where do we go from here? First, by returning to the recent past under communism, which did far more damage than all the negatives of all the years before it. The determining step for true recovery is a reconciliation with the communist past and the application of justice that will finally delineate the boundaries within which society can operate. However, this justice should be reconciliatory and restorative, not retributional. The festering wounds of betrayal and hate must be opened so that they can finally begin to heal. For this aim, mechanisms like the Truth and Reconciliation. Commission of RSA are invaluable. 

Second, EU entry and integration into „Europe“ as a system of legal as well as moral and spiritual values must be pursued as the paramount political aim of the day. In this regard, strengthening the role of the church will help, since an atheistic society is incompatible with a democratic one, not because of faith in God, but because of understanding faith and belief as a principle. Good deeds should be publicized; a nation that lived to destroy something must now learn to create. This, in turn, will help to support a national identity, one that extends beyond feelings of pride limi-ted to moments of winning hockey gold. 

In his speech of Oct 28th marking the anniversary of Czechoslovak independence, Václav Havel said that the country is at its most important moment. I believe that the Czech instinct for never mis-sing a golden opportunity will again prevail. A better one simply doesn’t exist. 


Martin Jan Stransky 

Publikováno:

The New Presencewinter 2000

My priority is that patients recieve
and have access to the best care possible.